i would like to congratulate the government and people of south africa on your 20th year of democracy. your peaceful and negotiated transition from the oppressive days of apartheid to democracy in 1994 served as an inspiration to millions. it was a long and difficult struggle for freedom that cost many lives. some feared that south africa’s first truly democratic elections would lead to more violence, but they were proved wrong and the peaceful elections held on this day 20 years ago were a testament to the optimism, the vision and the courage of the new south africa. as millions of people exercised their right to vote for the first time, you showed the world that democracy and an end to discrimination in all its forms were universal aspirations. and the process of truce, reconciliation and forgiveness initiated by the late nelson mandela and led by archbishop tutu was an example to us all. your successful transition demonstrated what a country can achieve and its people stand united in the course of justice and freedom.

　　since that transition, the links between south africa and the united kingdom have deepenedand matured. we are proud to share such strong ties with your country in areas from science totrade to culture, and i hope we can continue to work closely together.

　　nelson mandela said at the dawn of democracy in 1994 that south africa had entered acovenant that would build a society in which all south africans, black and white, would be able,he said, “to walk tall, without any fear in their hearts, assured of their inalienable right tohuman dignity—a rainbow nation at peace with itself and the world”. this vision shouldcontinue to inspire people across the world for many years to come.

加拿大自由党领袖贾斯廷·特鲁多获胜英语演讲稿

　　sunny ways, my friends, sunny ways. this is whatpositive politics can do. this is what a causative,hopeful – a hopeful vision and a platform and ateam together can make happen. canadians –canadians from all across this great country sent aclear message tonight. it's time for a change in thiscountry, my friends, a real change.

　　i also want to specifically thank my good friendskatie telford and gerald butts. katie and gerry aretwo of the smartest, toughest, hardest workingpeople you will find anywhere. they share with me the conviction that politics doesn't have tobe negative and personal to be successful, that – that you can appeal to the better angels ofour nature, and you can win while doing it.

　　tonight, my very good friends, we proved that. i hope it is an inspiration to like-mindedpeople to step up and pitch in, to get involved in the public life of this country and to knowthat a positive, optimistic, hopeful vision of public life isn't a naive dream; it can be apowerful force for change.

　　and i also want to thank the incredible volunteers that made tonight happen. over 80,000canadians got involved in the core of this campaign. they knocked on their neighbours' doors.they made phone calls. they sent emails. hundreds of thousands more supported us activelywith their friends and online. they convinced their neighbours and their families. and all ofthese people had one thing in common: they care deeply about their families, theircommunities and their country. they believe that better is possible and that active citizens canplay a real part in making it happen.

　　now, this movement we've built was fuelled by these amazing volunteers, and from thebottom of my heart, i thank you.

　　now, i want to take a moment to speak about my colleagues across the aisle. tonight, ireceived phone calls from all of them, including from mr. harper. stephen harper has servedthis country for a decade, and as with anyone who has devoted their life to this country, wethank him for his service.

　　now, over the course of this campaign, i had the opportunity to have a couple of briefpersonal conversations with him about our families. it reminded me of the extraordinary andunique sacrifices that are made by anybody who serves this country at the highest levels, and iwant to remind everyone, as i've said many times over the course of this campaign:conservatives are not our enemies, they're our neighbours. leadership is about bringing peopleof all different perspectives together.

　　now, you're all going to hear a lot tonight and tomorrow about me and about our campaign.lots of people are going to have lots of opinions about why we were successful. well, for threeyears, we had a very old-fashioned strategy. we met with and talked with as many canadiansas we could, and we listened. we won this election because we listened. we did the hard workof slogging it across the country. we met with hundreds of people in the dead of winter in thearctic and with thousands of people in brampton in the middle of this campaign.

　　you built this platform. you built this movement. you told us what you need to be successful.you told us what kind of government you want, and we built the plan to make it happen. incoffee shops and in town halls, in church basements and in gurdwaras, you gathered. you spenttime together with us, and you told us about the kind of country you want to build and leave toyour children.

　　over the past three years, you told us what you're going through. you told us that it's gettingharder and harder to make ends meet, let alone to get ahead. you told us you're worried aboutwhether you'll be able to afford a dignified retirement. you told us that your communities needinvestment. you told us you need a fair shot at better jobs. you are the inspiration for ourefforts. you are the reason why we worked so hard to be here tonight, and you will be at theheart of this new government.

　　so my message to you tonight, my fellow citizens, is simple: have faith in yourselves and inyour country, know that we can make anything happen if we set our minds to it and work hard.

　　i didn't make history tonight, you did. and don't let anyone tell you any differently. i know thati am on stage tonight for one reason and one reason only: because you put me here. and yougave me clear marching orders. you want a government that works as hard as you do, one thatis focused every minute of every day on growing the economy, creating jobs and strengtheningthe middle class, one that is devoted to helping less fortunate canadian families work theirway into the middle class.

　　you want a prime minister who knows canada is a country strong, not in spite of ourdifferences, but because of them, a pm who never seeks to divide canadians, but takes everysingle opportunity to bring us together. you want a prime minister who knows that ifcanadians are to trust their government, their government needs to trust canadians, a pm whounderstands that openness and transparency means better, smarter decisions. you want aprime minister that knows that a renewed nation-to-nation relationship with indigenouspeoples that respects rights and honours treaties must be the basis for how we work to closethe gap and walk forward together.

　　canadians – canadians have spoken. you want a government with a vision and an agenda forthis country that is positive and ambitious and hopeful. well, my friends, i promise youtonight that i will lead that government. i will make that vision a reality. i will be that primeminister.

　　in this election, 1,792 canadians stepped up, put their names on ballots and on lawn signsand ran for office. three hundred and thirty-eight of them were chosen by you to be their voicesin ottawa, and i pledge tonight that i will listen to all of them.

　　there are a thousand stories i could share with you about this remarkable campaign, but iwant you to think about one in particular. last week, i met a young mom in st. catharines,ontario. she practises the muslim faith and was wearing a hijab. she made her way through thecrowd and handed me her infant daughter, and as she leaned forward, she said something thati will never forget. she said she's voting for us because she wants to make sure that her littlegirl has the right to make her own choices in life and that our government will protect thoserights.

　　to her, i say this: you and your fellow citizens have chosen a new government, a governmentthat believes deeply in the diversity of our country. we know in our bones that canada wasbuilt by people from all corners of the world who worship every faith, who belong to everyculture, who speak every language.

　　we believe in our hearts that this country's unique diversity is a blessing bestowed upon usby previous generations of canadians, canadians who stared down prejudice and foughtdiscrimination in all its forms. we know that our enviable, inclusive society didn't happen byaccident and won't continue without effort. i have always known this; canadians know it too. ifnot, i might have spoken earlier this evening and given a very different speech.

　　have faith in your fellow citizens, my friends. they are kind and generous. they are open-minded and optimistic. and they know in their heart of hearts that a canadian is a canadian,is a canadian.

　　my friends, we beat fear with hope. we beat cynicism with hard work. we beat negative,divisive politics with a positive vision that brings canadians together. most of all, we defeatedthe idea that canadians should be satisfied with less, that good enough is good enough andthat better just isn't possible. well, my friends, this is canada, and in canada, better is alwayspossible.

　　thank you. thank you very much.

劳动节升旗演讲稿：为自由奋斗 为劳动喝彩

　　5月1日是国际劳动节，这是全世界劳动人民自己的节日。今天，我们站在鲜艳的五星红旗下，应该怎样纪念和庆祝这一伟大光辉的节日呢?

　　1886年的5月1日，美国的资产阶级政府出动大批军队和警察，残酷地镇压了芝加哥工人因要求改善劳动条件而进行的集会斗争。这说明，工人阶级不要说争取主人的地位，就是要求改善基本的生活条件也会遭受到血腥的镇压。

　　把五月一日定为国际劳动节，就是旨在动员并团结全世界无产阶级及劳动人民，为争取自身的自由、解放，为最终实现当家作主的权利而不懈斗争。

　　我国的无产阶级和广大劳动人民在中国共产党的领导下，经过艰苦卓绝的斗争，使当家作主的梦想变成了现实，人民成了国家和社会的主人，享有广泛的民主权利，以主人翁的精神投入到建设社会主义的伟大事业中去。

　　我们的社会主义祖国正呈现出蓬勃生机，焕发出旺盛活动力，以昂扬的姿态阔步迈向二十一世纪。

　　我们——作为跨世纪的一代建设者和接班人，将责无旁贷地挑起建设社会主义现代化强国的重担，以主人翁的态度投入到建设祖国的伟大事业中去。

　　作为一名中学生，从小就应该树立主人翁的意识，关心国家大事，热爱自己的家园，树立远大的志向，把自己的前途同祖国的命运结合起来，使自己成为一个有理想有志气有抱负有高尚品质的人。我们要培养劳动感情，养成劳动习惯，珍惜劳动成果，积极参加社会实践活动。

　　当然，最重要的还是要努力学习科学文化知识，扎实掌握一技之长，为将来把我国建设繁荣富强打下良好的基础!

　　这才是对“五?一”国际劳动节最好的的纪念。

罗斯福四项自由英语演讲稿

　　下面是xx小编为你精心编辑整理的罗斯福-四项自由英语演讲稿，希望对你有所帮助!

　　mr. speaker, members of the 77th congress:

　　i address you, the members of this new congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. i use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has american security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.

　　since the permanent formation of our government under the constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. and, fortunately, only one of these-the four-year war between the states-ever threatened our national unity. today, thank god, 130,000,000 americans in forty-eight states have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.

　　it is true that prior to 1914 the united states often has been disturbed by events in other continents. we have even engaged in two wars with european nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the west indies, in the mediterranean and in the pacific, for the maintenance of american rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. but in no case has a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.

　　what i seek to convey is the historic truth that the united states as a nation has at all times maintained opposition-clear, definite opposition-to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the americas.

　　that determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the french revolution. while the napoleonic struggle did threaten interests of the united states because of the french foothold in the west indies and in louisiana, and while we engaged in the war of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither france nor great britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.

　　and in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914-ninety-nine years-no single war in europe or in asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other american nation.

　　except in the maximilian interlude in mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. and friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.

　　even when the world war broke out in 1914 it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own american future. but as time went on, as we remember, the american people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.

　　we need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of versailles. we need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. we should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today.

　　the american people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.

　　i suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world-assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace.

　　during sixteen long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. and the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.

　　therefore, as your president, performing my constitutional duty to “give to the congress information of the state of the union,” i find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.

　　armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. if that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of europe and asia, africa and australia will be dominated by conquerors. and let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceeds the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the western hemisphere-yes, many times over.

　　in times like these it is immature- and, incidentally, untrue-for anybody to brag that an unprepared america, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.

　　no realistic american can expect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion-or even good business. such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.

　　as a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. we must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the ism of appeasement. we must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the american eagle in order to feather their own nests.

　　i have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nation win this war.

　　there is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. obviously, as long as the british navy retains its power, no such danger exists. even if there were no british navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the united states from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.

　　but we learn much from the lessons of the past years in europe-particularly the lesson of norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years.

　　the first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. the necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes-and great numbers of them are already here and in latin america.

　　as long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.

　　and that is why the future of all the american republics is today in serious danger. that is why this annual message to the congress is unique in our history. that is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of the congress face great responsibility-great accountability.

　　the need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily-almost exclusively-to meeting this foreign peril. for all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.

　　just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. and the justice of morality must and will win in the end.

　　our national policy is this:

　　first, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.

　　second, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. by this support we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.

　　third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principle of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. we know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.

　　in the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. no issue was fought out on the line before the american electorate. and today it is abundantly evident that american citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.

　　therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. goals of speed have been set. in some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. in some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. and in some cases-and, i am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.

　　the army and navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. and today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.

　　i am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. the men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability and in patriotism. they are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. none of us will be satisfied until the job is done.

　　no matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.

　　to give you two illustrations:

　　we are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes.

　　we are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.

　　we are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.

　　to change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, and new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.

　　the congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. however, there is certain information, as the congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.

　　new circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. i shall ask this congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.

　　i also ask this congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. they do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.

　　the time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. we cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.

　　i do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars. i recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the united states, fitting their orders into our own program. and nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.

　　taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.

　　for what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.

　　let us say to the democracies: "we americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. we are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. we shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. this is our purpose and our pledge."

　　in fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.

　　and when the dictators-if the dictators--are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.

　　they did not wait for norway or belgium or the netherlands to commit an act of war. their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. the happiness of future generations of americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. no one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. the nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.

　　yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency-almost as serious as war itself--demands. whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations at any time, must give way to the national need.

　　a free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. a free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own groups.

　　the best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.

　　as men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from an unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. the mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.

　　the nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in america. those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.

　　certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. for there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.

　　the basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. they are:

　　equality of opportunity for youth and for others.

　　jobs for those who can work.

　　security for those who need it.

　　the ending of special privilege for the few.

　　the preservation of civil liberties for all.

　　the enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.

　　these are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. the inner and abiding straight of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.

　　many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. as examples:

　　we should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.

　　we should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.

　　we should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.

　　i have called for personal sacrifice, and i am assured of the willingness of almost all americans to respond to that call. a part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. in my budget message i will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying for today. no person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.

　　if the congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.

　　in the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.

　　the first is freedom of speech and expression--everywhere in the world.

　　the second is freedom of every person to worship god in his own way everywhere in the world.

　　the third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants--everywhere in the world.

　　the fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the world.

　　that is no vision of a distant millennium. it is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. that kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.

　　to that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order. a good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.

　　since the beginning of our american history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. the world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.

　　this nation has placed its destiny in the hands, heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of god. freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. our strength is our unity of purpose.

　　to that high concept there can be no end save victory.